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Steve Hilton: Two good ideas

Steve Hilton, one of David Cameron\’s most senior advisers, has suggested that Britain should abolish maternity leave

And why not?

The newspaper quoted a source close to Mr Hilton suggesting that he thought that maternity leave rights were \”the biggest obstacle to woman finding work\”.

This is true, it\’s also one of the leading causes of the gender pay gap.

So why not abolish the legal right to it?

Mr Hilton also suggested to Mr Cameron that he simply ignore European labour regulations on temporary workers, to the alarm of the most senior civil servant in Downing Street.

“Steve asked why the PM had to obey the law,” said one Whitehall insider. “Jeremy [Heywood, Mr Cameron\’s permanent secretary] had to explain that if David Cameron breaks the law he could be put in prison.”

Not that that outcome would worry many.

 

Yes, this will be interesting

I am interested in Mr Miliband’s radical idea that we might need tighter rules on media ownership and market shares. It will be interesting to see how he defines unacceptable levels of control, as it appears  that the BBC has the largest share of the TV and radio market, and also has a very powerful position in web provision and related publishing. Rules that he thinks of in connection with News International could not be hyrbid or company specific, and would have to be fair about any concentration of media power. Thoughts on what constitutes too much media power and if it should be regulated better would be welcome.

What fair and impartial rules about media concentration could you have that did not limit the BBC?

If, just to pluck a figure from the air, 30% of the newspaper market is too much, why wouldn\’t 30% of the TV market be so?

Or 30% of the radio market?

If cross media ownership is to be limited, newspapers and broadcast licences cannot be combined, then why can radio and TV licences be combined?

Oh do fuck off you ghastly little shits

Hang the bastards and hang them high.

Currently, section 16 of the Prosecution of Offences Act 1985 gives courts the power to award costs that are \”reasonably sufficient to compensate the defendant for any expenses which he has properly incurred in the proceedings\”.

The last government wanted to introduce a scheme that limited these costs to legal aid rates, which would mean those who hired their own lawyers would be able to reclaim only around a quarter of their estimated costs.

And the current government wants to do this again.

Fuckers.

Get accused, don\’t have a decent lawyer, go to jail.

Get accused, have a decent lawyer and prove your innocence, go bankrupt.

This makes being accused the punishment. Whereas the whole point of the justice system is to sort the guilty accused from the innocent accused and punish only those proven to be guilty. And the reason we set it up this way is to protect the innocent from false accusations by the State.

This is the point of juries, of defence lawyers, of double jeopardy, of Habeas Corpus.

They\’ve already got rid of, or at least tried to get rid of, three of the four (juries in complex fraud trials, double jeopardy, Habeas Corpus for those accused of terrorist crimes) and now they want to take down the last, defence lawyers.

The move is part of wide-ranging initiatives to curb the Ministry of Justice\’s budget…………..Ministers expect to save £40m under the proposals.

You miserable, ghastly, little cocks. There is no better use of the taxpayers\’ money than defending the freedom and liberties of the taxpayers. That\’s the first, foremost and primary duty of government itself.

Look though at what the money is actually spent upon:

The Ministry of Justice has been accused of wasting a \”colossal\” amount of taxpayers\’ money after spending more than £130 million refurbishing an old office block for its new headquarters.

Opposition politicians and union leaders have expressed astonishment at the cost of the project to create a new home for Justice Secretary Jack Straw and his staff.

The remodelling of the concrete tower block, next to St James\’ Park in London, cost £915 a square foot to complete – around 18 times more than a standard refurbishment would cost in the private sector.

In addition to the refurbishment costs, £2,745,000 was lavished on new furniture and fittings for the offices and £290,000 was spent on artwork.

I used to work just down the road from that and from memory Boris has kindly provided a plenitude of lamp posts in the area. And rope is cheap.

Innocents will be bankrupted so that Jack Straw could sit in a comfy chair and look at pretty pictures.

Who would begrudge me the return of capital punishment?

Yes, finance is different

I bang on and on here about the necessity of the rule of law. We cannot, if we are to retain any shred of liberty, be ruled by whims and opinions, it must be written down, in advance, what we may and may not do.

However, finance is different:

Giving evidence to the Treasury Select Committee, George Osborne argued that moving regulation into a single institution, the Bank of England, and allowing supervisors to apply their judgement would prevent a repeat of what he described as \”the biggest bank failure in the world\”.

Had the incoming regulatory regime been in place in 2007, he said, RBS would not have been allowed to push ahead with its £50bn ABN acquisition. Labelling the takeover \”a shocking failure of regulation\”, he added: \”After the bank run at Northern Rock, after the credit markets had frozen, the UK regulators allowed RBS to buy ABN Amro.

\”The reason they allowed the merger to take place is because there was nothing that RBS was doing wrong. It ticked every box. There didn\’t seem to be anyone saying, \’Hold on, are we going to allow RBS to buy this enormous Dutch bank?\’

\”What I\’m trying to do is get to a position where the Bank Governor exercises that kind of judgment… The awareness that this is not the moment when we\’re going to wave through huge takeovers.\”

Banking specifically: the liquidity risks of fractional reserve banking are such that it isn\’t possible to have that rules based, tick box approach. It is necessary for there to be, as best we can manage, those wise peeps who look over shoulders and tell people what they may not do.

In essence, taking out a banking licence means that one is giving up that right to a purely law based regulatory regime.

Carving out such exceptions is dangerous of course: as soon as I\’ve said that banking licences mean such there\’ll be someone else saying that of course this applies to commodities, credit cards,  ATMs and doorstep lenders. But none of those have that fatal flaw built in in the same way that fractional reseve banking does. All banks, by definition, are illiquid. As Brad DeLong says, if you borrow short and lend long you\’re a bank (and he goes on to point out that if you\’re not borrowing short and lending long then you\’re not a bank): and to extend his point, if you borrow short and lend long you\’re illiquid. Ergo, banks are illiquid by definition.

We could extend this argument a little: the rule of law is necessary except when it isn\’t. As markets are just wonderful, work perfectly, except when they don\’t. Knowing when they don\’t is very difficult in some cases, very easy in others. But making the distinction between when they do and when they don\’t is vital.

As an early morning musing we could try plotting political views perhaps, from libertarian through to Statist. I have a feeling that there would be a very large correlation between those arguing for markets, all the time markets, and rule of law, all the time law, through to those who might, just, allow that markets work well enough in delivering sweeties to kids and that the law has its place, well after the opinions of bureaucrats and politicians.

I being perhaps around the t or h of the \”through\” and Ritchie being somewhere beyond the full stop after the \”ist\”.

But I do think that there\’s a spectrum, almost all of us acknowledging exceptions to either markets or law. The differences being, with the law say, whether it\’s almost anything or those few and peculiar cases when the granting of a specific privilege (say, a banking licence) leads to rules and law not being sufficient.

So there\’s me taking my stance, right in the middle of a logical quicksand. Both the rule of law and markets have their time and place, it being my opinion as to which those are. Quite the point to base a political or economic philosophy on, isn\’t it?

Greece, S&P and default

Much outrage from the usual quarters at this statement:

The credit rating agency said on Monday that allowing a debt rollover would amount to a \”selective default\” by Greece, undermining eurozone politicians\’ efforts to avoid such an outcome.

How dare a private company undo the hard work of so many politicians etc.

Thing is though, what do the contracts that were written before we thought there was going to be a default say about this? What is actually the law about this?

No, I don\’t know either, but I would assume that there\’s some listing of what \”default\”, \”selective default\” and so on actually mean with reference to these specific bonds. There are hundreds of pages of bumpf that accompany each issue after all.

Now, maybe it is silly that a voluntary extension of maturities is described as a selective default, with all the implications that has for whether the bonds (perhaps all Greek bonds?) can be used as collateral at the ECB etc. Maybe it isn\’t, again, I just don\’t know.

But I do know that I want whatever is in those contracts to be the criteria by which the issue is decided. For that is the rule of law. No, I don\’t want politicians and or bureaucrats to be able to just decide upon what is convenient at any time, I want the law to be written own, perhaps in a contract, perhaps in legislation, and then everyone has to act according to what has been agreed everyone has to act up to.

To do otherwise is to take us into the appalling miasma of rule by whoever gets to issue the dictats: not a notably democratic procedure nor, if truth be told, one that leads to a flourishing of freedom and liberty.

I\’ve no problem with people arguing, heck, even the law being changed, or the contracts being written, that future bond issues should not be in default if maturities are voluntarily extended. But currently extant bonds have to be treated under whatever rules the currently issued bonds were issued.

The whining about S&P seems to be coming from pretty much the same quarters as those who hail the \”legally binding carbon commitments\”. And I\’m sorry to have to tell you this folks but if you insist upon the law being followed in one area then you\’re duty bound to insist on it being followed in all.

No problems at all with attempts to change it for the future: but if you want to ignore the law on bonds now then what\’s to stop us ignoring the law on carbon later?

If only…..

As a result, the Government says that it can\’t wait for the Supreme Court to overturn the ruling: it wants to legislate immediately. The trouble is, when governments legislate in haste, they usually end up with something that has worse consequences than the problem they meant to correct. From dangerous dogs to the prevention of terrorism, the record of emergency legislation is dismal: Acts passed at high speed are usually dismantled just as quickly.

It\’s not so much that bad laws do get passed when laws get passed quickly.

It\’s that they don\’t get unpassed when we realise that they\’re bad laws.

Take, say, the European Arrest Warrant. Even Chris Bleedin\’ Huhne realises that he and his Lib Dem mukkers voted for an appallingly bad law.

Still got that law though, don\’t we?

And yes, this does go to the heart of the whole government/market thing as well. What markets are merciless at is persecuting fuckups. Governments and politics not so much.

Customer care for the disabled

It sounds like a scene from Come Fly With Me: a badly disabled young boy, excited about what is likely to be the last foreign holiday of his life, is prevented from going because the budget airline from which his parents have bought tickets decides his wheelchair is too heavy to put on the plane. It isn\’t, though, a cringe-inducing comedy sketch, but instead the cringe-inducing news of easyJet\’s conduct towards Declan Spencer, a 12-year-old with muscular dystrophy.

Some will be outraged, some will not give a shit.

I\’m not going to call for a boycott of easyJet: potential passengers can decide for themselves whether they want to give their money to a company that treats handicapped children the way it treated Declan Spencer.

Quite, the glory of a competitive marketplace. Declan and family are flying on another airline.

You, us, the general public, can decide whether that threatment is worthy of seeking an alternative to Easyjet or not. Our morals, our money, our choice as to whether to deploy our money in pursuit of our moral aims.If enough of us care then Easyjet will change its ways. If not enough of us do then it won\’t.

The problem with this system is what?

The alternative system of course being a change in the law: but if enough of us care then we don\’t need to change the law and if not enough of us care then why change the law?

There\’s some truth in this

Offenders fighting deportation are able to use human rights defences to avoid removal whereas Britons facing transfer under extradition laws find it almost impossible to do so, the joint committee on human rights suggested.

It means the likes of alleged computer hacker Gary McKinnon, who is fighting extradition to the US, has fewer rights than foreigners who have committed crimes in the UK and should now be deported.

How very weird that the innocent have fewer rights than the guilty.

No, this does not mean that the rights of the guilty should be reduced. Rather, that we should alter the two damn fool extradition acts we\’ve got, the EU one and the even more appalling one with the US.

On failing to understand the nature of English law

Last week, Energy Minister Charles Hendry said in public for the first time what had thus far only been said in private – that it is UK policy to support drilling for oil and gas in the Arctic.

Since when did this become UK policy? And why has the House of Commons never debated it?

Hendry told an energy conference that Arctic drilling is \”entirely legitimate\”

Newsflash for the Low Carbon Kid.

In the English system of law you\’re allowed to do anything that there isn\’t a law against.

Is there a law against drilling in Arctic waters? No.

Has there been a debate in the Commons about it? No, which is one of the reasons why there isn\’t a law against it. For if it\’s not been discussed there cannot be a law, can there?

So, drilling in Arctic waters is legitimate because there\’s no law making doing so illegitimate.

And yes, this is a very basic point about the freedoms and liberties of the English. We do not need to ask politicians for permission to do what we desire to do. We only have to be careful not to do what our elected representatives have decided we should not do.

 

PC Simon Harwood will face criminal proceedings

Good.

A police officer will face trial for manslaughter over the death of newspaper seller Ian Tomlinson at the G20 protests.

PC Simon Harwood, 43, a Metropolitan police officer, will face a criminal prosecution for striking Tomlinson with a baton and pushing him to the ground in April 2009.

Maybe he hit him and maybe he didn\’t. Maybe his hitting him led to his death, maybe it didn\’t. Maybe hitting him and killing him was justified and maybe it wasn\’t.

And now we\’re going to find out. For that is the function of a trial and of a jury.

We currently don\’t know the answers to most of these questions and that\’s what we have this whole system of justice for.

So yes, of course there should be a trial.

Martin Kettle says perverting the course of justice is a \”minor crime\”

What a complete scumbag.

Even accepting, for the case of argument, that Huhne committed a speeding offence eight years ago and then persuaded his wife to take the points on his licence, is it a serious enough matter to require Essex police to conduct an investigation now? If you take an absolutely fundamentalist position that every infringement must be thoroughly investigated in every case, and every possible offence arising from it turned into a prosecution, then you will say yes. But not in my view. This isn\’t rape, or robbery or assault or serious fraud.

In many ways it is worse than those crimes. For it\’s perverting the course of justice. And the law cannot work if people pervert it.

Further, that he is a Cabinet Minister, a politician, is even more, not less, reason to prosecute, if there is indeed anything to prosecute. For he claims the right to make the laws that the rest of us live under. And it\’s a part of, heck, we invented the damn concept, the English system that no man is above the law. Be they ever so high.

Perverting the course of justice not a serious crime? Tell that to both Jeffrey Archer and Jonathan Aitken….they served time for exactly that.

Superinjunctions: no, that\’s not quite how it all works

The Prime Minister announced that he was setting up a committee urgently to consider how to address the issue, but he immediately came under pressure to act more swiftly and issue new instructions to the judiciary.

The law may well be an ass but that really isn\’t how it works.

Judges implement the law that the politicians have passed into law. If the politicians have managed to make some godalmighty cock up (as they have here) then the politicians don\’t get to just say \”No, do it differently\”.

They have to go back and change the laws that they themselves made in the first place.

Which is going to be very fun to watch as the tension here is between free speech, a free media, and the right to privacy.

The first is something we rather pride ourselves on, the second is a relatively new right implemented under the Human Rights Act. And if we reopen the HRA then all legislative hell could break loose.

But bak to the first point: if David Cameron were sufficiently stupid to \”issue new instructions to the judiciary\” I for one would love to see the response. For I would expect senior judges to abandon their Latin and resort to choice Anglo Saxonisms.

Politicians do not \”issue instructions\” to judges. They either change laws or they do not.

Something I hadn\’t realised about super injunctions

Yesterday the Sunday Herald, which is not bound by the terms of the injunction because it is published north of the border, intensified the row by publishing the footballer’s picture on its front page and naming him inside.

The injunction only covers media based in England and Wales.

This blog may or may not come under that definition and that\’s something I\’m not about to test.

You would think that someone who had access to US based media, say, one of those would be volunteer generated newspaper sites, could therefore make a bundle by announcing the news there and cleaning up on internet traffic and advertising.

Strangely, I know someone who has done that and have seen their traffic. So many people actually know the result that it\’s not worth it. Weirdly.

And as to the success of Mssrs. 5 p, as one wag over at The Register pointed out, more people now know who he is than know what a footballer is.

The Telegraph: Wrong Again

You\’re surprised, right?

We find it extremely difficult to understand why the judges cannot appreciate that, when the Home Secretary makes a determination that an individual\’s presence is not conducive to the public good, the decision has been made after careful consideration of all the relevant facts. There should be a presumption against overturning it – even if there is some interpretation of the statutes which suggests that she did not exercise her power precisely as conferred.It is notable that Britain\’s judges appear to be alone in Europe in their determination to overturn decisions by government officials about the dangers posed by individuals suspected of involvement in terrorism. In France and in Italy, there is no question of someone whom the state wishes to deport being allowed to remain in the country because he has to be able to launch an appeal.

That\’s because we have the rule of law and they have the rule of the State.

And yes, that rule of law really is there to protect us from the State.

Yes, slightly odd that a monarchy protects the rights of its subjects better than a republic those of its citizens, but that just goes to show you that the revolution was deeper in this country than it was elsewhere. We\’ve kept the form but not the reality of absolutism, other places not so much.

Those bloody courts again!

Judges block Home Secretary from deporting convicted terrorist
A convicted terrorist banned from Britain for being a risk to national security has been stopped by the courts from being deported.

And yes, so the courts should.

There\’s two entirely different points here.

The challenge hinged on interpretation of the Immigration Act 1971 and other immigration legislation. The court hearing included a debate about the meaning of the word “while” in the phrase “while he is in the United Kingdom” from the 2002 Nationality, Asylum and Immigration Act.

Patrick Mercer, a Conservative MP and security expert, said: “This is particularly worrying in view of the Home Secretary’s efforts to exclude this man. The immigration Acts have been exploited and this loophole needs to be closed.”

The first is that the politicians have not managed to pass laws which are entirely clear in their application. That\’s the politicians\’ fault of course, not the judges. And it isn\’t just this slightly trivial point of the law. There\’s a tension between the laws passed against terrorists and the laws passed proteting human rights. Indeed, given the waves of laws we\’ve had on both the law is at times directly contradictory.

Whether or not you think the Human Rights Act (no, Council of Europe, not EU) is a good idea or not it does make a difference to all sorts of other laws that we\’ve got or have passed recently. That\’s the point of it in fact. Very similar to all this stuff about privacy injunctions: the politicians can\’t whine about the judges working through the implications of these new laws that the politicians themselves have decided to impose.

The second point is much more important in this particular case:

Lord Justice Pill, Lord Justice Rix and Lord Justice Lloyd backed the terrorist\’s right to be in Britain while he mounts an appeal. Lord Justice Pill commented that denying him access to Britain could lead to \”potential injustice\”.

His case is that if he\’s sent to Tunisia then he\’ll be killed/injured/tortured/have his human rights violated.

He may be a scumbag terrorist. Might be a killer, might not be, who knows? But it\’s hardly the mark of a lenient justice system that we work out whether he can or should be sent to Tunisia to be killed/injured/tortured/have his human rights violated before we actually send him to Tunisia to be killed/injured/tortured/have his human rights violated.

What\’s the point of allowing him to appeal after he\’s been sent to Tunisia and been killed/injured/tortured/had his human rights violated?

Of course he should be allowed to stay in the UK while his appeal is heard.

Really, what are people making a fuss about?

At the extreme, the argument that we ought to \’oick \’im out straightaway is that those sentenced to capital punishment get their appeals heard after the execution of the sentence.

That\’s not quite what we\’d like in the land that invented liberty, is it?

Dear Ms. Shoard: yes, there is a reason

The majority of the country\’s woods, especially in lowland areas, are in private hands, and walkers are systematically excluded from most of those.There is no good reason why this should be so.

The reason being this rather ancient English idea of \”private property\”.

What\’s mine is mine and I might and may decide to let you have some of it but that is my decision, not your\’s or the law\’s to force me to do so.

The ideology of red tape reduction

What could be wrong with having a thorough look at the overgrown regulatory forest and hacking back a few trees?

Quite Mr. Kettle, quite.

In the past, even Conservative governments have tended to see most regulatory frameworks as an accumulation of rules and sectoral improvements in which an occasional winnowing is necessary. This government turns that on its head. Its explicit default presumption is that regulations will go unless they can be justified. \”If ministers want to keep them, they have to make a very good case for them to stay,\” says the site.

Here is where we can glimpse, even if it\’s not well explained as yet, the ideological divide.

Let\’s agree that we all do indeed agree that we\’ve got to do the winnowing. Without such we\’d still have the law that you can kill a Welshman inside the walls of Chester after nightfall.

OK, fine.

Now, here comes the ideology: why do we have regulation (or legislation, for that matter). Two conceptual positions:

1) There\’s got to be a law about it otherwise how will people know what they\’re allowed to do?

2) Where\’s there\’s a specific problem that is solvable by law or regulation let\’s solve it. Otherwise, no law or regulation. And what exactly is the problem this regulation is trying to solve, is it important enough to involve the State and does it solve the problem?

Yes, they\’re broad brush caricatures and as all such contain a germ of truth.

Position 2) is the traditional English response. 1) is the more \”Roman Law\”, continental, perhaps we might even say social democratic response.

We are English and I\’ve no problem with the idea that we might trawl through that thicket and lay flat many of the laws, saving only those we can hide behind when the Devil turns on us.

I also agree that there are others who insist that no, there needs to be rules \’n\’ regs about everything for how otherwise will the poor lambs know what the beneficient rulers have allowed them to do?

But then again we\’re English so fuck those prodnose bastards.

There are things that have to be done and that can only be done by government. This is why we do in fact need to have a government. There are also problems that must be solved and which can only be solved by the law and regulation. So let us have those laws and regulations. But anything which does not solve a problem, does not solve a problem which can only be solved that way and also that actually needs solving, get rid of it.

So that\’s about 90% of the rules \’n\’ regs for the bonfire then, eh?

Super injunctions: Jeremy Clarkson named on Twitter

And quickly denied, of course.

The identities of public figures who obtained draconian gagging orders to hide details of their extra-marital affairs and private lives was disclosed on Twitter.

A minute later she added: “I have no super injunction and I had dinner with Jeremy and his wife last night. Twitter, Stop!”

It claimed Miss Khan had taken out a super-injunction to prevent intimate pictures of her and Clarkson emerging. But Miss Khan vehemently denied that either the pictures or any injunction existed.

“OMG- Rumour that I have a super injunction preventing publication of “intimate” photos of me and Jeremy Clarkson. NOT TRUE!,” she Tweeted last night.

The weirdness of this law about superinjunctions is that while anyone can go read the Twitter page that makes the revelations, my reporting what the other ones are would almost certainly get me into big trouble.

For we\’re entirely free to spread rumours about who might, but in fact does not, have such super injunctions. We\’re just not allowed to tell the truth about who has them and why.

Which is why no one is mentioning the other super injunctions mentioned in the tweets. Or if they do mention them, only in code.

Dear Ms. Shourd

No, I\’m afraid it doesn\’t quite work like that:

An American woman released from prison in Iran has said she will not return there to stand trial alongside two fellow hikers charged with spying for the US.

Sarah Shourd said she has post-traumatic stress disorder and going back to Iran would be \”far too traumatic after what I\’ve already been through\”.

You see, extradition, people turning up in court to answer charges, these are reciprocal things.

You get to take only those privileges and excuses that your own government offers to those it wants to see in its own courts. Turn and turn about sort of thing, d\’ye see?

And the US does not offer an \”it\’ll be too stressful\” get out of court free card to those it wishes to prosecute: see Gary McKinnon for details.

So, stressful though you may find it, you don\’t get to have such a card either.